Resisting anew the theft of the revolution
Egypt's interim President Adly Mansour--installed in office by the military after it ousted President Mohamed Morsi of the Muslim Brotherhood following massive demonstrations on June 30 demanding that Morsi resign--has made his first moves as president. In this statement, thedeclare that Mansour and his newly appointed Prime Minister Hazem el-Beblawi are leading Egypt along the same path of the dictators before them--and that those committed to Egypt's revolution must unite to work toward achieving the slogans of the revolution against Mubarak and the June 30 demonstrations against Morsi: bread, freedom, social justice and human dignity.
ONE WEEK after the president was installed--brought there by millions of revolutionaries who remained in the squares from June 30 until they had overthrown the rule of the Muslim Brotherhood, which was traitorous to the revolution--comes the first public actions from the presidential palace, disappointing many hopes.
After two-and-a-half years of struggle to protect our revolution from those who insist on walking the path of counterrevolution, we see a president who insists on a return to the same policies of the Mubarak-Morsi regime, which are destructive to the population and a far cry from the slogans of the revolution for bread, freedom and social justice.
This ignorant regime has not learned the lessons of the three revolutionary waves, in January 2011, in November 2011 and finally the one culminating on June 30, 2013--waves that overthrew first Mubarak, then Tantawi, and finally Morsi because they did not implement the demands of millions.
They try repeatedly to deceive the masses with slogans, the essence being that "your turn has passed, and now you must submit the power to us--leave us to manage the country in our own way." Slogans of unity and national reconciliation, insisting that we "forget the past," which signify a call to forget who is the murderer and who the murdered, who is the thief and who was those stolen from. These slogans are then followed by others about how the "wheels of production" must turn--no matter in what direction, whether in favor of the poor or in favor of big business.
The Dictatorial Constitutional Declaration
The first of the president's decisions--the appointment of a group of advisers mostly affiliated with the Mubarak regime--was a bad sign. His media adviser, Ahmed Mohammed el-Maselmani, reportedly wrote Hosni Mubarak's famously moving speech on the night of the Battle of the Camel in February 2011.
Then came the constitutional declaration, shocking in every sense of the word. Besides the fact that it came without any consultation with the revolutionary political groups that the Minister of Defense and interim president had confirmed as partners in endorsing the roadmap, the constitutional declaration also:
Gives the interim president absolute authority, making him a pharaoh with executive and legislative powers, in contrast to what revolutionary political groups had called for--that his role would be honorary, and that these powers would transferred in greater part to the prime minister.
Retains a number of articles from the 2012 constitution pushed through by the Brotherhood, whose nullification was a key demand of the masses on June 30. This was done in an effort to woo the Salafis. Thus, an article on the role of Islamic sharia was left in. We all remember the video of Yasser Borhamy, vice president of the Salafi Call Society, whose political arm is the Al-Nour Party, boasting about passing this article in spite of the civil opposition.
Ignores economic and social rights, such as the right to shelter, education and health care, which were principal demands of the masses during the past two-and-a-half years of the revolution.
Does not contain any guarantees forbidding the military prosecution of civilians.
Does not set forth any criteria for the commission to amend the constitution on political representation, leaving it to each social institution. So we expect that workers will be represented by one of the members of the general union of workers from the Mubarak or Morsi era, rather than leaders of the independent labor unions.
Aside from these, there are many other powers and provisions inherited from the Brotherhood constitution or added now, and published without consultation with revolutionary political forces.
An Old President for a New Government
Finally came the selection of a prime minister, which only came a number of candidates were considered and rejected, confirming the confusion of the military and the ruling powers about how to proceed.
This selection process started with the choice of Mohamed ElBaradei, who was viewed as a revolutionary leader who participated in the January revolution. Then there was the gradual retreat, finally reaching Hazem el-Beblawi, a deputy prime minister from the government of Essam Sharaf in 2011, the second failed leadership after the revolution.
El-Beblawi is a creature of the banks and business, hostile to social justice. Throughout his 70 years, he has been a believer in the importance of encouraging investment by giving opportunities to businessmen. This choice reproduces the former failed regime on the pretext of agreement and forming an impartial government.
Egypt is now the site of one of the largest revolutions in human history, but the revolution has been, until now, unable to form a government, even after her people produced three revolutionary waves for the world.
The rewards came instantly in the form of loans from the governments of the reactionary Gulf states in Saudi Arabia, the Emirates and Kuwait. They had announced from the first day their enmity towards the January revolution. They were fearful of our ongoing revolution--fearful that it would infect the peoples of the region.
The Revolution Continues
We will not allow the revolution to be stolen again. Despite the words of the feloul media that pounces on June 30 and puts forth the illusion that it represents backsliding and abandonment of the January revolution, we say that we have disappointed your expectations. For the revolutionary experience that has accumulated in the consciousness of the people today will not permit any power to survive without achieving for them their demands, whether it is decreed by the army or by religious slogans.
The constitution that we want is one written by the workers, the farmers and the poor, the employed and unemployed, and the oppressed among the women and the Copts. The government that we want is a revolutionary government which takes sides unhesitatingly with the millions who overthrew Mubarak and Morsi because they did not implement the demands of bread, freedom, social justice and human dignity.
We call upon all revolutionary forces to unite, independent of the opportunist servants of power and of the deposed and expelled feloul for the goal of:
Composing a unified revolutionary front, with a presence in every neighborhood and village, to organize the masses to defend their revolution.
Pressure on the new government to take measures immediately for achieving social justice for the benefit of the millions of poor Egyptians, who have paid a higher price for Morsi's failure and that of the military council before him.
The election of a Constituent Assembly comprised of representation from every section of society--from the workers, farmers and the poor, to the Copts and women--to write a democratic, secular constitution establishing the values of freedom and social justice.
The formulation of a law of revolutionary justice guaranteeing accountability for all of the murderers, beginning with the leaders of the Muslim Brotherhood engaged in incitement to bloodshed now, as well as the military council and the figureheads of the Mubarak regime, for retribution for the martyrs and injured of the revolution.
Glory to the martyrs, victory to the revolution, dishonor upon the murderers, all murderers. All power and wealth to the people.
July 11, 2013
Translation by Jess Martin