Subject: [SocialistWorker.org] Debating the future in Greece
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Statement
======== DEBATING THE FUTURE IN GREECE =======================================
December 19, 2012
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On November 30-December 2, Greece's Coalition of the Radical Left, known as
SYRIZA, held a national conference [1] as the first step in transforming the
coalition into a more unified political formation. SYRIZA was formed in 2004
as an electoral alliance uniting radical left-wing organizations--there are
now more than a dozen member groups. But since its inspiring success in
nearly winning national elections last spring, SYRIZA'S ranks have been
swelled by many unaffiliated individuals.
SYRIZA's mass appeal was based on its rejection of the austerity program
supported by Greece's two main parties, the center-left PASOK and
center-right New Democracy. Instead, SYRIZA pledged to immediately cancel the
two so-called Memorandums--agreements made between the Greek government and
the "troika" of the European Union, European Central Bank and International
Monetary Fund that require savage cuts, privatization and anti-working class
laws in return for a bailout of Greece's financial system.
The conference was preceded by a discussion among member groups and in
branches of a draft declaration put forward by SYRIZA's leading body, its
secretariat. Here, we publish a contribution to that pre-conference debate by
six members of the SYRIZA secretariat, representing three organizations on
the coalition's left wing: the *Internationalist Workers Left* (DEA),
*Kokkino* (which means "Red") and the *Anti-capitalist Political Group*
(APO).
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THE DRAFT declaration issued by the secretariat of SYRIZA for discussion in
the branches about the unitary project of the radical left raises important
political questions in a critical period.
Because we view the transformation of SYRIZA towards a unified political
entity as mostly a process of constructing political unity among a broad part
of the left, we will focus our contribution on political and programmatic
questions in the draft declaration. This doesn't mean that we underestimate
questions about the ideological and strategic orientation. On the contrary,
for many reasons, we consider the explicit commitment of SYRIZA to an
anti-capitalist/socialist strategy to be very valuable.
But we think it is obvious that the ideological distinctions and differences
between the various currents and traditions that co-exist in SYRIZA will
continue to exist for some time, especially around the issues about achieving
socialism. As long as political unity remains strong, we believe that these
differences will continue to serve as a valuable asset for SYRIZA and not as
a source of problems.
We believe that among all the issues raised in the draft document, members
and branches of SYRIZA should focus their attention on these:
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*1. Do we insist on standing for a "government of the left," or are there
other possibilities for SYRIZA, given the crisis besetting the coalition
government?*
The draft declaration states that the main goal of SYRIZA should be a
left-wing government "with roots on a wide front of social and political
forces." In order to succeed in this goal, the document states that: a) "We
insist on the need for common action and a united front of the left"; b) "We
are engaged with all our forces in the effort to build a powerful social
movement and a mass political movement"; and c) "We must strengthen and
broaden SYRIZA."
This position is correct. It should be defended and reaffirmed at the
national conference.
The position has been questioned, with other formulations put forward for
SYRIZA's goals, such as:
-- "A government of the anti-Memorandum forces": This proposal conceals
support for a coalition government with the Independent Greeks, a party led
by Panos Kammenos [/Translator's note/: a split from the main right-wing
party New Democracy, which opposes the Memorandum, but from a nationalist
perspective).
This proposal tries to address SYRIZA's need for allies and the possible
question of how to achieve a parliamentary majority in the next elections,
but in doing so, it creates serious problems for the political and strategic
orientation of SYRIZA. Kammenos' party, despite its anti-Memorandum rhetoric,
remains a neoliberal force. It remains a right-wing party, and it could serve
as a pillar for a possible nationalist and pro-war alternative for Greek
capitalism as a way to confront the crisis.
-- "A government of social (or national) salvation": SYRIZA passed this test
successfully between the elections in May and June (/Translator's note/: when
SYRIZA withstood huge pressure to join a coalition government with bourgeois
political parties in order to stop "instability"). It has to hold its ground
against the same pressure today, even in the face of a threat of an economic
stalemate and a severe financial crisis.
A coalition government with a wide range of bourgeois political forces (and
perhaps even a right-wing party?) will only serve to re-stabilize the
establishment, no matter what form this takes. Such a government would be at
odds with the goals of the left, and it would be against the interests of the
workers and the youth.
No matter how nicely such a solution is presented--for example, in the form
of an "emergency" government, with "a specific mandate and task"--it is
impossible to ignore the problems it will create. No one should forget the
negative experience of 1989 [/Translator's note/: when left-wing parties
entered a coalition government with the right, and later a "national unity"
government--a betrayal committed with the excuse that the new government had
a "specific mandate and task" of dealing with a major corruption scandal).
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*2. The promise to reverse austerity*
SYRIZA is now explicitly committed to unilaterally cancelling the Memorandums
and all of the austerity laws in a "government of the left." This position
was reiterated in parliament by Alexis Tsipras.
SYRIZA has to combine this position with support for the demands of the
people in struggle, around restoration of wages and pensions, protection of
public schools and hospitals and the reversal of the attempts to undo labor
laws. These must be the first priorities for SYRIZA, defended by any means
necessary.
We understand the financial difficulties a left-wing government will face
and--as a consequence--the time and the effort needed for focusing on this
front. In SYRIZA's electoral program, we gave a glimpse of our response to
this issue--with the promise to immediately restore cuts for workers at the
lowest wages and pensions and to restore cuts at average wage and pension
levels gradually.
This position is very different from those expressed by some leading figures
who speak about "freezing" wages and pensions at the level they are at
now--and who commit only to the promise that there will no more austerity
measures. These are totally different political stands, and the ambiguity
must be resolved by SYRIZA.
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*3. The resources needed to finance the popular measures of a left-wing
government*
This is the most serious argument put forward by our enemies. SYRIZA's
response must be built on the clearest of commitments on three issues:
-- /a) Immediate halt on payments and cancelation of the debt/. We, together
with many other comrades, support the policy of an immediate, unilateral halt
on paying interest and cancelation of the debt.
SYRIZA has chosen a more "complex," but also contradictory approach, which
remains open to some dangerous interpretations, including: an audit of the
debt; cancelation of a big part of it, though not all; a moratorium on debt
payments; a voluntary postponement of payments negotiated with creditors; and
ultimately a repayment of the rest of the debt in better economic times on
the basis of a "growth rate clause." All of these measures leave the general
oversight of debt issues at the European level.
But from "the first day in office," a crucial dilemma will emerge for SYRIA:
Will a left-wing government continue to pay the local and international loan
sharks? If we continue payments, which today total over 11 billion euros
annually, this will bleed public funds and lead, every year, to the need to
impose a new "package" of austerity.
To continue repaying creditors is practically impossible--it amounts to more
than 50 percent of public spending annually, without foreign financial
support. Since we know that the Troika will not continue to finance a
left-wing government that will reverse austerity, the choice we have to
make--ending payments--is inevitable. But it must be made with a clarity that
will activate social forces to support this action, while neutralizing
hostile social forces.
-- /b) Taxation on the capital and the wealth/. The draft declaration
correctly proposes measures to tax accumulated wealth. But it obscures the
crucial issue of taxing corporate profits. The election position of SYRIZA
for a 45 percent tax rate on profits must be restored or replaced with
another equally concrete proposal.
In contrast to what we heard from the media, during the crisis, hundreds of
big enterprises have made significant profits. Even the IMF and the EU now
argue that it is impossible to deal with the fiscal problems of states as
long as capital continues to enjoy tax immunity. Of course, such a tax policy
on capital must be combined with measures of control over the economy, in
order to suppress capital flight or a tax rebellion by businesses.
This measure, like ending debt payments, is also inevitable and must be made
forthrightly. In this way, we will that we view the character of a left-wing
government as merely "transitional" and a step toward socialism.
-- /c) Nationalization of banks and privatized public enterprises, under
public and democratic workers' control/. This is the third aspect of securing
not only financial resources but the tools needed to support and defend a
pro-worker popular policy. It is another electoral commitment of SYRIZA that
needs to be restated and put forward with consistency.
We must insist on the implementation of our nationalization program--firstly
and mainly, the banks, but also the privatized public enterprises and those
that are in the process of privatization right now. This program must be
carried out without paying compensation to major stockholders and in
defiance, if necessary, of market rules and regulations, European treaties
about free trade and competition, etc.
Taking into account the social and economic collapse caused by the Memorandum
policies and also the lack of public funds SYRIZA will inherit from
Memorandum governments, even a single nationalization, if carried out by
buying stock from shareholders, will be both impossible and socially unjust.
Nor will a left-wing government be able to exercise a pro-worker policy or
withstand the attacks of capitalist forces if it doesn't move immediately
toward a program of mass nationalizations.
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*4. Confronting the blackmail of the EU*
During the pre-election period we formulated the position "Not a single
sacrifice for the euro."
This meant that a left-wing government: a) would refuse the savage austerity
demanded by the EU as a means of saving the Eurozone; b) would take this
refusal to submit to austerity to the European level, placing its hopes in
the active support of the working class movement and the international left;
and c) wouldn't not identify with those sections of European leaders (such as
François Hollande, Mariano Rajoy, Mario Monti, etc.) who may support more
flexible policies about the debt, but who insist on austerity programs in
order to deal with the eurozone crisis.
Today, the eruption of struggles in the Southern Europe and the popularity of
our position among other left-wing forces require us to maintain the slogan
"Not a single sacrifice for the euro" and to make it a part of everyday
political action as a minimum unifying characteristic of SYRIZA.
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*5. Reaffirmation of the genuine antiracist character of SYRIZA's politics*
The draft declaration underplays the commitment to opposing racism of the
vast majority of forces in SYRIZA. This commitment, which our enemies use
against us, was clear to the people during the election, when they propelled
us to our 27 percent of the vote.
Stating the need to cancel "Dublin 2" (/Translator's note/: a treaty that
obliges Greece to keep all immigrants entering the EU inside its territory
and not allow them to travel to other EU states), which would be an important
democratic advance in allowing immigrants to acquire travel documents in
order to leave Greece, is not enough. This position is mentioned in the
program of the far-right LAOS party and even in the program of the neo-Nazi
Golden Dawn.
The crucial issue for SYRIZA is its position in favor of legalization and
providing equal rights to all immigrants who wish to remain in Greece. There
should be no retreat from this position. On this basis, SYRIZA must insist on
three main points:
-- a) Immigrants are not the problem, racism is. If we accept that
immigration is a problem, even if we promise to "solve it in a sensitive and
humanitarian way," we will have already made the first and crucial concession
to the pressure of racism.
-- b) We stand in decisive opposition to national and European policies of
border control. We are against the headhunters, FRONTEX, the transformation
of the Coast Guard into a military force against immigrants, and fences and
mine fields on the borders.
-- c) We are for legalization for all immigrants who wish to remain in the
country.
The history of SYRIZA proves that it is radical politics that work, even in
elections, and not adjusting to pressures on us or sliding in conservative
directions.
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*6. What kind of "broadening" of SYRIZA?*
We started our contribution from the position that the call for a left-wing
government is based on a policy of left-wing unity, with systematic
initiatives by SYRIZA directed at the Communist Party, ANTARSYA and other
left-wing forces. It is this kind of "broadening" that we will continue to
support as a top priority.
This commitment shouldn't change because of the negative responses of the
leaderships of other political forces. For example, the more the leadership
of the Communist Party slips to isolationism and its unique but clear
position that a working-class victory is impossible at this time, the more
SYRIZA must insist, seriously and responsibly, on initiatives directed at
joint action.
This commitment isn't at odds with appealing to large parts of the social
base of social democracy. On the contrary, the insistence on struggles, on
radical politics and on presenting clear alternative political proposals
managed to attract thousands and thousands from the popular classes who
placed their hopes in social democracy in the past.
SYRIZA's 27 percent of the vote was a result of its historical development
and its overall attitude during a course of years. It isn't the result of
some high-profile defections from ex-members of PASOK.
In the present situation, with PASOK disintegrating, we believe that SYRIZA
must be aggressive and daring when it comes to addressing and winning over
the rank and file of PASOK, but it must also be very careful when it comes to
accepting high-profile members of PASOK. We believe that groupings or
individuals who held governmental responsibilities or central political roles
in PASOK in the past have no place in the branches or on the ballot
representing SYRIZA.
*Antonis Davanellos*, member of the secretariat of SYRIZA, DEA
*Panos Kosmas*, member of the secretariat of SYRIZA, Kokkino
*Sotiris Martalis*, member of the secretariat of SYRIZA, DEA
*Vasilis Papakostas*, member of the secretariat of SYRIZA, Kokkino
*Petros Psareas*, member of the secretariat of SYRIZA, APO
*Giorgos Sapounas*, member of the secretariat of SYRIZA, APO
/Translation by Panos Petrou/
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[1] http://socialistworker.org/2012/12/19/where-is-syriza-headed
