The “national unity” trap

BETWEEN JANUARY 7 and 9, 2015, three individuals claiming to be members of al-Qaeda in the Arabian Peninsula and the Islamic State in Iraq and Syria committed hateful terrorist attacks against Charlie Hebdo and a HyperCacher supermarket, which the NPA condemned without reservation. These killings and what came after represent a political event that will have long-lasting consequences. They illustrate the phenomenon of social and political decomposition that has emerged from the policies of the capitalist classes, both at the national and international level. These events also attest to the influence in France of violent fundamentalist political currents and provide evidence of the persistence and development of an anti-Semitism that can even lead to killings.

François Hollande's government seized on the legitimate public emotion in the face of these attacks that expressed itself by, among other things, marches in the streets. Hollande's administration sought to recuperate its political standing by promoting a campaign of "national unity" against "Islamic terrorism." The government, in the name of common values, posed as the defender of the nation against an enemy that was rooted, both home and abroad.

Although they did at times attempt to remain independent from the government, the majority of working-class organizations marched behind the call for national unity at the demonstration in Paris on January 11. This risked widening the gap with that portion of the population that felt stigmatized. The NPA has rightly defended its decision to not join in this so-called unity, as well as to not say "We are Charlie," even while standing in solidarity with the victims of these attacks.

NATIONAL UNITY is a trap placed for our social camp. Its main objective is to force us to unite with those we should oppose, and to oppose those with whom we should unite. The working-class movement should refuse to make common cause with the government in a supposed campaign to defend freedom of expression (a freedom which it actually muzzles) and against terrorism (which by its policies it only expands). National unity calls for the collective stigmatization of Muslims (or those who are assumed to be Muslim). Muslims are expected to distance themselves from the attacks and prove their belonging in the "national community." This stigmatization especially targets women, which is why we must speak out in favor of our anti-racist and feminist struggle. The government denies any Islamophobia on its part, but legitimizes the idea that there is an "immigration problem" in France, restricting freedom of movement, while lumping together all Muslims with terrorists. This racism "from above," which for many years has particularly been targeted against the Roma people and Muslims, fueling a climate of division, is an obstacle to our mobilizations.

Under the cover of this unity, a security offensive is underway, with the adoption of new provisions restricting freedoms, the multiplication of police, military patrols and raids, and, finally, the normalization of a state of emergency that threatens all democratic rights. The security offensive is coupled with an authoritarian offensive that scandalously calls for denunciations, particularly in schools. The state is persecuting any youth who did not respect the minute of silence called to honor the victims of the attacks or those who raised questions that were considered disturbing, and even teachers who organized debates. The statements and propositions from the Ministry of Education provide testimony to a willingness to put down the youth and to restrict all critical spirit.

The rhetoric of national unity also serves to justify imperialist interventions by France, both past and present, in the name of the "struggle against terrorism." Moreover, a few days after the killings, the National Assembly and the Senate voted almost unanimously to continue France's intervention in Iraq, although some elected officials from the Front de Gauche timidly abstained.

Finally, the pretext of national unity also serves to stifle all opposition against the ongoing anti-social offensive (including, first and foremost, Macron's Law, which only further promotes neoliberalism). They tell us that these times call for unity with the government and not opposition to its policies.

The "response" of the political class to the attacks is thus an all-out offensive, repeated and amplified, which will lead to more racism, injustice, inequality and, ultimately, the social tensions that create an even more favorable climate for the development of National Front. The rhetoric of the "clash of civilizations" can only further the objectives of those who organized the killings in the first place: the government's rhetoric is the flipside of the rhetoric of the fundamentalist currents who see the "Judeo-Christian West" as the enemy of the Muslim community. Similarly, the attempts of the state of Israel and its spokespeople to exploit the killings at the HyperCacher by claiming to represent the Jewish people of France form the exact counterpart of writer Alain Soral's and comedian Dieudonné's anti-Semitic discourse that conflates the Jews of France with the crimes committed by Israel.

THE NPA refuses to fall into any of these traps and intends to fight against them, especially inside the workers movement. We must build a counteroffensive alongside all those who have something to lose--that is, among our social camp. This means we must develop a campaign to struggle against national unity, Islamophobia, the security and authoritarian offensive and the continuation of imperialist adventures.

Anti-racism, therefore, must be at the heart of such a campaign, and it must be connected to an unambiguous denunciation of all forms of racism and a fight against any political currents that hold such views, including, in particular, anti-Semitism. This last form of racism remains alive in our camp. What is more, some (from Soral to various Muslim fundamentalist currents) divert anger against Islamophobia and/or against social marginalization by identifying Jews as scapegoats.

We refuse to let the government claim a monopoly over the fight against anti-Semitism, especially its attempt to grant legitimacy to the CRIF (Representative Council of French Jewish Institutions) and the Israeli government. Finally, we cannot forget that if Islamophobia is now the dominant racism in the politics of France, Jews remain the main targets of fascist currents in several European countries (Hungary, Greece, etc.).

This campaign for a challenge against national unity must include the development of specific materials: leaflets, posters, stickers, inserts in our weekly newspaper, trainings, etc. It should take on organizing public rallies and meetings, just as the NPA did in the wake of the summer mobilizations in solidarity with Gaza.

In addition to initiatives we can take on our own, we must address all labor, youth, anti-racist and anti-fascist forces. In particular, we will seek out, without exception, those who refused to take part in this so-called national unity or those who expressed reservations. We should obviously be attentive to any initiatives organized around themes related to opposing national unity, whether these be fights against Islamophobia and all forms of racism, against repression, against militarism, etc.

Clearly, this specific campaign must not be disconnected from the rest of our political interventions. In our workplaces, neighborhoods or schools, we must oppose all attempts at repression against those who are suspected of threatening national unity under whatever pretext. We will defend the unity of our class, regardless of national origin or religious belief, basing ourselves on a program to fight back against the repressive and anti-social offensive, especially against Macron's Law.

Translated by Todd Chretien. This statement appeared in French at the NPA website.